Law Minister K Shanmugam brought prata-flipping to a new level in Parliament yesterday (Oct 3) saying that appointed President Wee Kim Wee is elected because he took the Attorney General Chambers’s (AGC) advice. However, he contradicted himself in the same speech saying that the AGC’s advice is irrelevant, and closed the matter without further questions.
“Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said the next election will be reserved for a Malay president and we have taken advice from the AGC. What Ms Lim is saying is that we are starting to count from here because of the AGC’s advice. I think that was never suggested… In any case, the legal advice given by the Attorney-General is irrelevant as the question before the court was whether the decision to count from President Wee’s term was constitutional… PM took the same position, he explained in Parliament. We decide but we took AGC’s advice. Did anyone say we are going to decide this way because this is the way that AGC has told us that we have to decide? That would make no sense because Parliament is sovereign.”
The corrupted Law Minister also took a snake bite at Opposition MP Sylvia Lim who criticised that Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong misled Parliament:
“There is only one person in this House whom the courts have held to be misleading Parliament. And he is not from the PAP.”
Opposition MP Sylvia Lim has earlier given two quotes in parliament saying the ruling party has misled the people.
On 8 Nov 2017, PM Lee Hsien Loong told Parliament: “We have taken the Attorney-General’s advice. We will start counting from the first president who exercised the powers of the elected president, in other words, Dr Wee Kim Wee.”
Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean also confirmed a day later saying:
“On the reserved elections and how to count, I would like to confirm that this is indeed the AGC’s advice and, if not and you do not think that it’s correct, I think it’s possible if you wish to challenge judicially.”
Sylvia Lim
“The Government had engaged in ambiguous language and red herrings. We in this House should have been told in no uncertain terms that it was the Government that wanted to count from Dr Wee Kim Wee. The Government should have defended its own decision on why counting from President Wee was appropriate. It should not have evaded the debate by using the AGC’s advice as a distraction, and then gone to court to say that the AGC’s advice was irrelevant.”
Showing posts with label Malay. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Malay. Show all posts
Wednesday, October 4, 2017
Tuesday, August 23, 2016
Why The President Has To Be A Malay Always
When Joseph Schooling won the Gold Medal in Rio, all Singaporeans were so proud of him, and the supporters who went there to support, were all so proud of the Schooling and the National Anthem, they sang it loudly and proudly during the Medal Presentation Ceremony.
Most of those who were there at the ceremony were not Malays but nobody there bothered that they were singing a Malay song. That song represent Singapore on the world stage, and will always be that way.
It should have been the same for the Presidency. Like the National Anthem in Malay, the President of Singapore should always be a Malay. They were both just a symbol. I am saying this not because I am a Malay (No, I am not) but because it doesn't really matter which race the President belongs to. By having a single race as the Presidency, with agreement from all other races, simplifies a lot of things moving forward.
If there ever was a mistake made by Lee Kuan Yew in his life time, this had to be one of them. The Presidency is just a symbol, and LKY shouldn't have meddle with it by transferring executive powers to the President. It makes life so difficult now for the leaders that took over from him, and he should share the blame for PM Lee Hsien Loong's fainting spell during the National Day Rally, when he tried so hard to fix the screw-up made by his father.
I wish he could jump out of his grave now to tell us all that he had screwed up and get this team to right the wrong, so that we can all follow the rainbow dream he mentioned, without all his baggages holding us back.
There are many other advantages of having a Malay permanently as President, without executive powers.
First, the two countries that surround Singapore and gave us the most headaches, Indonesia and Malaysia will see us as a true South-east Asian country rather than a third China, if the Head of State is always going to be a Malay. It will be much easier to build on this kinship, with the President visiting these countries often.
Secondly, there will not be a costly and time-wasting Presidential Elections every few years.
Thirdly, if both the PM and President are Chinese, the rulers of China, will take for granted that Singapore is run by Chinese and should always give face or kowtow to China's actions and policies. With a Malay President, the impact will be different especially during face to face communication. They will always be reminded that Singapore is not that Chinese after all.
Fourthly, this will totally eliminate the problem of deciding on who will become President, base on racial or minority interest and representation.
Just like now, when nobody need to make the difficult decision on whether to play the Mandarin version, Malay version or the Tamil version of the National Anthem during the Olympic Medal presentation.
Sunday, June 26, 2011
PRC Got Bashed by S'porean Chinese for Beating a Malay
It’s Singaporean vs others
By Seah Chiang Nee
THE current wave of migrant workers from China and India has had an unintended side benefit for Singapore, blurring differences between local Chinese and Malays.
The new competition they introduced into the workforce has helped to get these once quarrelling races to put aside old discords and jointly face the common challenge.
In the 60s and 70s, ethnic conflicts were a daily story in Singapore generally over who should get a bigger piece of the economic pie. Every issue seemed to revolve around race.
The impact of globalisation and the mass inflow of foreigners are helping the Chinese and Malays achieve commonality faster than anything else.
It has promoted a common bond – as well as a sense of nationalism – which would have been a lot slower without the 2,000,000 foreigners.
In the latest example, Singapore’s Chinese majority rallied to condemn a Chinese migrant worker after he roughed up a Malay citizen and boasted about it online.
Zhou Hou, a 24-year-old delivery worker, bragged in Facebook how he knocked down a Singaporean “because he saw me coming and did not give way” and calling Singa-poreans “retards”.
It probably showed his cocky dislike for Singaporeans in general, rather than any particular race.
Zhou has since deleted the post (with his photo) and made several apologies to Singaporeans, claiming it was done on the spur of his “frustrations”.
With a history of ethnic riots, racial harmony has always been Singapore’s priority objective, something that not many new migrants from China and India are aware of.
“Those retards who want to act ‘garang’ step forward. I come here not to be bullied or insulted – from a true noble Chinese with 5,000 years of cultural baptism,” Zhou wrote, with a tinge of ethnic superiority.
If he thought he would be supported by the Chinese here he was wrong. Several Singaporeans immediately filed police reports against his remarks. Police are now investigating the case.
Since independence, a new generation of Singaporeans – especially Chi-nese and Malays – have grown up and had gone to schools, lived and served national service together.
The integration has stabilised things but race differences have never completely disappeared.
In the early days, it was normal to see Chinese Singaporeans cheering football teams from China when they played here against Singapore which comprised mostly of Malay players.
Once as a teenager, I watched some 8,000 local Indians rooting for a visiting Indian team against our state side. Singapore was then far from being a nation despite military service and years of National Day Parades.
To the Malays, Chinese and Indians were taking their jobs away – and vice versa. Language, social norms and even food became contentious issues.
But as foreigners flocked to our shores, Malays along with other races gradually became more preoccupied with the “foreign threat” to their jobs and earnings.
Instead of viewing each other with suspicion as their parents once did, the Chinese and Malays have become more concerned about losing out to the foreigners.
The Government had apparently opened the doors to so many mainland Chinese and Indians because it believed that they would be more culturally acceptable to the locals.
The major question was whether the minority Malays would object to the inflow from India and China.
As history turned out, the racial dimension to the immigration did not materialise because the policy was widely opposed by the vast majority of Singaporeans.
When the Malays saw their fellow Singaporeans – particularly Chinese – were staunch critics, they were somewhat reassured that it was not a racial issue, said a polytechnic lecturer.
“A race conflict could have happened had the local Chinese rooted for more immigrants from China and Singaporean Indians wanted more mainland Indians,” the academician said. But that never occured.
On the contrary, the angriest condemnation of the influx of Chinese and Indian workers were the local Chinese and Indians respectively.
It removed a potential racial sting when the minority Malays and In-dians found that they were not opposing the policy by themselves.
I had noticed over the years that Singaporean Chinese were more vo-cal in condemning the policy than the Malays. The same applies to the local Indians against the inflow of job-seeking professionals from India.
The Zhou Hou incident, sensitive because it touched on race, has shown how well Singaporeans have integrated.
An online discussion on whether the Chinese here would help a Malay if he was assaulted by a Chinese mainlander produced a largely “yes” answer and the following sample comments.
> “I feel closer to my Malay and Indian Singaporean brothers whom I grew up with, whom I served national service (NS) with, than some mainland Chinese.”
> “I am a Singaporean Chinese. Any Chinese foreigner who dares to assault my Malay Singaporean bro-ther will have to answer to my fist. We Singaporean Chinese and Malays did NS together. Chinese or not Chinese, the fact is we are Singa-poreans.”
> “I am not a racist but I am most certainly a nationalist. In the event of a dispute between a foreigner and a Singaporean, whether he is Chinese, Malay, Indian or Eurasian, I will take the side of the Singaporean 99% of the time.”
> “It is heartening to see so many brothers standing up for our local ‘Mats’ (Malays) against bullying foreigners including from China and India. Life with our local ‘Mats’ went a long way from kampung days.”
At one stage the minorities were fearful that immigration could turn Singapore into a “province of China”. Nevertheless, Singaporeans seem to say: “No way – not now, not ever.” – The Star
By Seah Chiang Nee
THE current wave of migrant workers from China and India has had an unintended side benefit for Singapore, blurring differences between local Chinese and Malays.
The new competition they introduced into the workforce has helped to get these once quarrelling races to put aside old discords and jointly face the common challenge.
In the 60s and 70s, ethnic conflicts were a daily story in Singapore generally over who should get a bigger piece of the economic pie. Every issue seemed to revolve around race.
The impact of globalisation and the mass inflow of foreigners are helping the Chinese and Malays achieve commonality faster than anything else.
It has promoted a common bond – as well as a sense of nationalism – which would have been a lot slower without the 2,000,000 foreigners.
In the latest example, Singapore’s Chinese majority rallied to condemn a Chinese migrant worker after he roughed up a Malay citizen and boasted about it online.
Zhou Hou, a 24-year-old delivery worker, bragged in Facebook how he knocked down a Singaporean “because he saw me coming and did not give way” and calling Singa-poreans “retards”.
It probably showed his cocky dislike for Singaporeans in general, rather than any particular race.
Zhou has since deleted the post (with his photo) and made several apologies to Singaporeans, claiming it was done on the spur of his “frustrations”.
With a history of ethnic riots, racial harmony has always been Singapore’s priority objective, something that not many new migrants from China and India are aware of.
“Those retards who want to act ‘garang’ step forward. I come here not to be bullied or insulted – from a true noble Chinese with 5,000 years of cultural baptism,” Zhou wrote, with a tinge of ethnic superiority.
If he thought he would be supported by the Chinese here he was wrong. Several Singaporeans immediately filed police reports against his remarks. Police are now investigating the case.
Since independence, a new generation of Singaporeans – especially Chi-nese and Malays – have grown up and had gone to schools, lived and served national service together.
The integration has stabilised things but race differences have never completely disappeared.
In the early days, it was normal to see Chinese Singaporeans cheering football teams from China when they played here against Singapore which comprised mostly of Malay players.
Once as a teenager, I watched some 8,000 local Indians rooting for a visiting Indian team against our state side. Singapore was then far from being a nation despite military service and years of National Day Parades.
To the Malays, Chinese and Indians were taking their jobs away – and vice versa. Language, social norms and even food became contentious issues.
But as foreigners flocked to our shores, Malays along with other races gradually became more preoccupied with the “foreign threat” to their jobs and earnings.
Instead of viewing each other with suspicion as their parents once did, the Chinese and Malays have become more concerned about losing out to the foreigners.
The Government had apparently opened the doors to so many mainland Chinese and Indians because it believed that they would be more culturally acceptable to the locals.
The major question was whether the minority Malays would object to the inflow from India and China.
As history turned out, the racial dimension to the immigration did not materialise because the policy was widely opposed by the vast majority of Singaporeans.
When the Malays saw their fellow Singaporeans – particularly Chinese – were staunch critics, they were somewhat reassured that it was not a racial issue, said a polytechnic lecturer.
“A race conflict could have happened had the local Chinese rooted for more immigrants from China and Singaporean Indians wanted more mainland Indians,” the academician said. But that never occured.
On the contrary, the angriest condemnation of the influx of Chinese and Indian workers were the local Chinese and Indians respectively.
It removed a potential racial sting when the minority Malays and In-dians found that they were not opposing the policy by themselves.
I had noticed over the years that Singaporean Chinese were more vo-cal in condemning the policy than the Malays. The same applies to the local Indians against the inflow of job-seeking professionals from India.
The Zhou Hou incident, sensitive because it touched on race, has shown how well Singaporeans have integrated.
An online discussion on whether the Chinese here would help a Malay if he was assaulted by a Chinese mainlander produced a largely “yes” answer and the following sample comments.
> “I feel closer to my Malay and Indian Singaporean brothers whom I grew up with, whom I served national service (NS) with, than some mainland Chinese.”
> “I am a Singaporean Chinese. Any Chinese foreigner who dares to assault my Malay Singaporean bro-ther will have to answer to my fist. We Singaporean Chinese and Malays did NS together. Chinese or not Chinese, the fact is we are Singa-poreans.”
> “I am not a racist but I am most certainly a nationalist. In the event of a dispute between a foreigner and a Singaporean, whether he is Chinese, Malay, Indian or Eurasian, I will take the side of the Singaporean 99% of the time.”
> “It is heartening to see so many brothers standing up for our local ‘Mats’ (Malays) against bullying foreigners including from China and India. Life with our local ‘Mats’ went a long way from kampung days.”
At one stage the minorities were fearful that immigration could turn Singapore into a “province of China”. Nevertheless, Singaporeans seem to say: “No way – not now, not ever.” – The Star
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